ABSTRACT
The
study examined the activities of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) in workers
welfare and political participation in Edo State. The investigation was carried
out at Irrua, the administrative headquarters of Esan Central LGA. The
investigation was to ascertain the latent functions of the Nigerian Labour
Congress in contemporary Nigeria as it manifests in various forms but with
particular attention to politics. The specific objectives that guided this
investigation included; an examination of the performance of the NLC in
relations to workers general welfare, factors that encourage workers to
participate in politics, the contributions of labour towards workers training
and career development of workers, some of the challenges inhibiting NLC from
promoting the interest of her members and suggest improvement options that will
enhance the services of NLC in Edo State. In line with these, corresponding
research questions were answered in the study. Three hypotheses were also
formulated to test for association between; age and income level of workers and
political participation, and lastly the how much training incentives workers
receive from trade union bodies. A sample of 320 respondents was drawn but 303
respondents constituting about 95% of the total sample population responded to
the instruments (questionnaire and in-depth interview) administered in the
study. To complement the findings from primary sources of data, secondary data
were obtained by exploring contents of academic journals, publications,
government gazettes, the electronic media and relevant textbooks. This
investigation revealed that civil servants in the study area participated in
politics for various reasons ranging for material gains, enhancement of social
status and self-fulfillment. It was also found that trade unions had
shortcoming especially in enhancing the career advancement of its members,
leadership deficiencies, funding and autonomy from external interference by
government and its agencies. It was thereafter recommended that government and
trade unions had very important roles to play in qualitative investment in
workers especially for national development, but more specifically, unions were
charged to do more in improving their members’ professional capacities by
implementing policies that promotes in-house and other professional training
such that would enhance members’ capabilities. In addition, trade unions are
advised to invest wisely in enterprises that can be accounted for, in the event
of increase the internally generated revenue to complement scarce resources.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
to the Study
The growth of trade unions in strength, size, and
vibrancy in Nigeria has been phenomenal just like in any other part of the
world. Since Nigerian workers perceived that their welfare has been neglected
by the exploitative mechanisms employed by both public and private enterprises,
the dimensions of this growth patterns rose astronomically. Between 1912 and
1987, there was an increase from 14 to over 40 union bodies; 4,629 to 1,242,408
total membership strength and 330.6 to 29581.1 average memberships per union
(Fashoyin, 1992). This explains why trade unionism has become a desired form of
association for workers. It is also to ensure job security, stability and the restoration
of the dignity of their professions which in turn enhances national
development. These unions operate on different levels depending on their modus
operandi; they use different means to press home their needs, and also in seeking
for recognition in the political sphere. Over the years, trade unions have
persisted in their collective efforts to maintain a standardized culture in the
labour market (Okolie, 2010).
Political
and civic participation serves as the foundation for effective democratic representation
and good governance. Notwithstanding the centrality of these issues to scholars
across the social sciences, the role of unions in political participation has
received surprisingly little attention, particularly beyond the issue of voting
behavior (Putnam, 2000; Kerrissey and Evan, 2010). However, political
participation in the last decade has taken new dimension such includes the use
of not only the electronic and print media such as radio, television and print
networks but social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and Youtube. Infact this
form of political expression is operational in the developed countries like the
United States of America, United Kingdom and Africa. Particular reference to
Nigeria’s 2011 Presidential election, President Jonathan mobilized great
followership of over half a million on Facebook by 16th of April
2011. To further buttress its efficacy, Twitter was acclaimed the most
efficient medium to communicate with the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) as revealed by researchers (Essoungou, 2011). Likewise in another electoral process in 2011, various civil society
and interest groups employed social media to monitor incidents related to
Zambia’s September 2011 presidential elections. The Bantu Watch, a civil society-driven website utilised Facebook and
Twitter to encourage registered voters and interested parties to report
incidents involving election-related violence, hate speech, corruption and
other matters both online via the website and via text messages (Ndhlovu,
2011).
Nigerians have organized themselves in a variety of
ways; based on religious affiliation, ethnic identification, occupational
category, and gender. These have impacted Nigerian politics at various degrees
depending on their organizational capacity, membership numbers and any other
relevant issue. For the most part, political participation has been limited to
casting votes in occasional electoral contests, working for political
candidates/parties during brief periods before these electoral contests, and
working for civil society organisations to impact the political process when
possible. These opportunities have not been consistent, especially within the
periods of military regimes which are mostly hostile to these identities. Given
the emotional attachment that people have with these identities, during periods
of crisis; groups mobilized along these lines to engage in intergroup conflict
that are occasionally violent and politically destabilizing (Kaiser,
2005).
According to Nwoko (2009), trade unions had always
represented the vanguard of the working class’ interests against capitalist
exploitation all over the world. In contemporary times however, especially in
developing countries, they have come to assume roles that transcend the traditional
role of protection of workers’ welfare and class liberation. Unlike in other
countries, trade unions have formed real oppositions to the ruling party
especially on critical issues that affect the ordinary citizens. The case of
Nigeria is different; the consciousness of organised labour in Nigeria offers a
typical model of an organized conception of collective action and attests to
the usefulness of labour unionism in place of a failed party opposition in a
democratic state especially in a non-Western European state. Nwoko further
stressed that this disorder of the Nigerian state system has produced practices
hitherto unimagined in a democratic setting, yet it should be perceived as one
of the challenges of the Nigerian democratic experience.
The Nigerian
Labour Congress (NLC) being the largest representative of labour formations in
Nigeria was established in 1978. It emerged after series of restructuring of
the indigenous trade unions into about 43 affiliate trade unions. These include
the following:
1.
Academic Staff Union of Universities
(ASUU)
2.
Academic Staff Union of Polytechnic (ASUP)
3.
Academic Staff Union of Research
Institutions (ASURI)
4.
Association of Senior Staff of Banks,
Insurance and Financial Institutions (ASSBIFI)
5.
Amalgamated Union of Public Corporation
, Civil Service Technical and Recreational Services Employees (AUPCTRE)
6.
Association of Allied Workers Union of
Nigeria (AAWUN)
7.
Colleges of Education Academic Staff
Union (COEASU)
8.
Iron & Steel Senior Staff Association
of Nigeria
9.
Judicial Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN)
10.
Joint Health Sector Unions (JOHESU)
11.
Maritime Workers Union of Nigeria (MWUN)
12.
Medical and Health
Workers Union of Nigeria (MHWUN)
13.
Metal Products Senior Staff
Association of Nigeria (MEPROSSAN)
14.
National Association of Academic
Technologists (NAAT)
15.
National Association of
Nigeria Nurses and Midwives (NANNM)
16.
National Union of Air
Transport Employees (NUATE)
17.
National Union of Chemical,
Footwear,
Rubber, Leather and Non-Metallic Employees ( NUCFLANMPE)
18.
National Union of Civil Engineering,
Construction,
Furniture and
Wood Workers (NUCECFWW)
19.
National Union of Electricity
Employees of Nigeria (NUEEN)
20.
National Union of Food,
Beverage and Tobacco Employees of Nigeria (NUFBTEN)
21.
National Union of Hotels and Personal
Services Workers (NUHPSWN)
22.
National Union of Petroleum
and Natural Gas (NUPENG)
23.
National Union of Posts and
Telecommunication Employees (NUPTE)
24.
National Union of Road
Transport Workers (NURTW)
25.
National Union of Printing,
Publishing and Paper Products Workers (NUPPPPW)
26.
National Union of Lottery Agents and
Employees
27.
National Union of Shop and
Distributive Employees (NUSDE)
28.
National Union of
Textile,
Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria (NUTGTWN)
29.
Nigeria Civil Service Union (NSCU)
30.
Nigeria Union of Civil Service
Secretariat Stenographic Workers (NUSCSSW)
31.
Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ)
32.
Nigeria Union of Local Government
employees (NULGE)
33.
Nigeria Union of Mine Workers (NUMW)
34.
Nigeria Union of Pensioners (NUP)
35.
Nigeria Union of Railwaymen (NUR)
36.
Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT)
37.
Nigeria Welders and Fitters Association
(NIWELFA)
38.
Non-Academic Staff Union of Educational
and Associated Institutions
39.
Parliamentary Staff Association of
Nigeria (PSAN)
40.
Radio, Television and Theatre
Workers Union of Nigeria (RATTAWU)
41.
Senior Staff Association of
Nigerian Polytechnics (SSANIP)
42.
Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities
(SSANU)
43.
Steel & Engineering
Workers Union of Nigeria (SEWUN)
In addition, the
NLC currently has over four million members. It naturally prides itself as one
of the most representative federations in the world; organizing blue and white
collar workers, professionals, pensioners, workers in formal and informal
employment and the public and private sectors. Therefore, as an authentic
working peoples' organization, it must necessarily be capable of addressing the
diversity of interests, rights and concern of the entirety of the working
people. Today, it is also noted as one of the most influential non-State actors
in Nigeria (www.nlcng.org). Obono (2011) notes that the significant role of
Nigerian trade unions within social movements and on the political scene in the
fourth democratic dispensation cannot be undermined, the period was marked by
major mobilizations in which labour played an important part. Throughout a
tumultuous democratization occurring under economic adjustment, the trade
unions have spearheaded popular movements that have confronted both military
and civilian regimes.
This
study accessed the activities of the Nigerian Labour Congress as the umbrella
union representing the majority of workers in Nigeria in relations to workers
welfare and their attitudes towards participation in politics; with particular
focus on civil servants. This was carried out with particular reference to the
experience of workers in Edo State, Nigeria.
1.2 Statement
of the Problem
Research is
undertaken in order to throw more light on issues whose statuses do not seem
very clear, in doing this, there is need for the researcher to properly
formulate the problem(s) he or she is investigating (Omorogbe, 2002).
Globally, labour
is undergoing notable transformation, transitions and decline (Kerrissey
and Evan, 2010). This is of great
concern to industrial relations scholars and policy makers. For instance, a
nation like Canada is contemplating the adoption of Works Council as used in
Europe to substitute trade unions in their workplace relations (Adams, 1987),
this will relegate collective bargaining. Today, the effects of globalisation
and internationalization of labour have led to casualisation, mass retrenchment of labour, and elimination of
local congress’ (Oluranti and Kehinde,
2011; Olaewe, 2012); this leads to goal displacement. These developments are changing
the image of unions, and drawing attention to the ineffectiveness and
inefficiencies in their organization and administration. In addition, the influence
of international economic organizations in Nigeria for example the Bretton
Woods institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World
Bank that promote the principles of liberalisation and laissez-faire market
paradigm are also of concern to policy makers (Obadan, 2003). These
institutions promote policies such as Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP),
Policy Support Instrument (PSI), which are exploitative and have complex
philosophies that border labour greatly.
The Nigerian Labour Congress today has been the
subject of considerable research and commentary in terms of its nature, role,
functionality and effectiveness in ensuring the welfare of the Nigerian worker
and the protection of their rights in industrial disputes with the public and
private labour employer (Aiyede, 2004). It is therefore noteworthy that the
weakness in political parties’ vibrancy has created a vacuum that labour deems
fit to fill. A study carried out by Muttaqa (2011) revealed that political
parties in Nigeria have gradually lost their ideological posture of interest
aggregation and articulation, with the aim to capture political power. They have
become mere avenues of getting subvention from the government, while in other
instances; they are branches of the ruling party. For instance, since Nigeria’s
return to civil rule in 1999, opposition parties have sunk in to the ruling
party due to thirst for power.
Globally,
trends of political events have shown the potential of encouraging political participation
or apathy. By the late 1950s, it was already noted that free elections create “a
sentiment of popular consent and participation in public affairs” (Mackenzie
& Robinson 1960; Post 1963). For
instance an assessment of the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Progamme
(SURE-P), Graduate Internship Scheme (GIS) in December 2012, a total of 1429 firms
applied and registered for the scheme that seeks to create opportunity
for graduates to be attached to firms/organizations for mentoring in order to
enhance their employment chances. 605 firms
were registered, 168 firms were
approved, 65,199 graduate interns applied for the scheme out of which 136
graduate interns were verified but only 81 applicants were beneficiaries of the
scheme. Although the shortfalls were attributed to poor internet
facilities; insecurity in some northern states, poor state of potential
firms/organization, poor response from large organized private sector and weakness
identified in the web operational system for matching of interns with firms.
This policy has not achieved much, as such; the unemployed graduates who were
targeted to benefit from this scheme can lose interest to participate in the
political process. This behaviour can be further encouraged as the assessment
reported that large organized private sector did not participate in the project
because they lacked interest in the scheme (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2013).
In addition to
the above, the labour movement has been noted to have made minimal success at
insulating its members against unfriendly government policies such labour
downsizing, relegating the capacity to
induce higher productivity, encouraging professionalism, eliminating
inefficiency, minimising indolence (Isiaka,
2013). On this premise this
study will examine the following issues:
i.
What are the
significant achievements of the NLC in the areas of workers welfare in Edo
State?
ii.
How has the NLC
influenced the perception of partisan politics by its members?
iii.
Where does the
Edo state worker derive more support for their career development?
iv.
What constrains
the NLC in Edo state most significantly?
In addition, this study will of essence
examine the degree of freedom the NLC in Edo State enjoys as it promotes
policies and programmes in the interest of its members.
1.3 The
Objectives of the Study
The aim of this study was to examine the activities
of the Nigerian Labour Congress as they relate to workers welfare and
participation in politics. The following specific objectives helped us achieve
this aim.
1)
To examine the performance of the NLC in
relations to workers general welfare in Edo State,
2)
To examine factors that encourage workers to
participate in politics in Edo State,
3)
To examine the contributions of labour towards
workers training and career development of workers in Edo State,
4)
To examine the challenges inhibiting NLC from
promoting the interest of her members in Edo State.
5)
To suggest improvement options that will
enhance the services of NLC in Edo State.
1.4 Research Questions
1)
In what areas has the NLC improved the
welfare of its members in Edo State?
2)
What factors motivate workers to
participate in politics in Edo State?
3)
What contributions have labour made
towards workers training and career development in Edo State?
4)
What hinders NLC from promoting the interest
of Edo State workers?
5)
What can be done to improve NLC’s
activities in workers’ welfare and political participation in Edo State?
1.5 Hypotheses
1.
Age does not
influence workers participation in politics.
2.
Workers’ income
level discourages their participation in politics.
3.
Workers’
receives less training incentives from trade union bodies.
1.6 Scope
of the Study
The study focused on the activities of the Nigerian
Labour Congress between 2002 and 2012 on workers welfare and political
participation; particularly public servants in Edo State.
1.7 Justification of the Study
A study of this nature which attempts to examine the
trade union institution takes into consideration global dynamics that influence
labour in recent decades. Decline in unionism globally is a phenomenon that is
of great concern to scholars and industrial relations experts; this is one of
the reasons why this study will be necessary. Dunn (2011) revealed that the
processes of spatial changes “globalization” and social reorganizations
described by terms like “post-fordism” and the “new economy” are typically held
responsible for labour’s misfortune. As such this study shall show if there is
any, the degree of decline of unionism in Edo State in particular Nigeria in
general.
Though trade unions are global and
characteristically alike, the different environment where they operate posses
some unique challenges to them (Okolie, 2010). These differences could include,
political apathy, modes of resource generation and degrees of political
alliance for power and social recognition. These and other peculiar challenges
this study will endeavour to illuminate.
The
stability of the trade union movement inevitably precedes industrial harmony
and national development (Isiaka, 2013). This can be ensured when workers
development and growth is ensured, thus developmental policies and programmes
put in place by labour and government will be examined in this investigation.
The
study is necessary particularly in contemporary Nigeria especially in this
political dispensation in establishing the relationship between labour activism
and political participation. Dyck and Gimpel (2005) noted that understanding
the sources of political participation and, perhaps more importantly, the
character of abstention, is an ongoing concern of political scientists,
journalist, pundits, non-profit advocacy groups, and others bent on electoral
reform.
In
addition to the above, examined the issue of labour autonomy in the light of the
move for state corporatism proposed by the Nigerian government in 1975 to
incorporate the industrial relations system into governments mainstream
administration as practiced in Ghana under Late Nkrumah, when the Trade Union
Congress of Ghana became an agent of the ruling party; The Convention People’s
Party (CPP) (Nwaocha, 1981).
Lastly, it is
hoped that the findings of this study will not only add to the existing
literature on labour activism; but in addition, issues examined, findings and
recommendations reached will serve as useful tools for policy makers and
implementing agencies in the fight to mitigate the unending challenges of workers
and the labour movements the world over.
1.8 Definition
of Concepts
For the purpose of this study, some of the concepts
used in this study are defined hereunder.
Activism An
intentional action aimed at achieving political and socio-economic change
especially as an organization with particular goals, aims and objectives.
Apathy A situation of dislike or lack of commitment to a
common course arising for the effects of activities generated from the general
perception of the common course or an intrinsic weakness of failure of the
common course.
Career The progress and actions taken by a person
throughout a lifetime, especially those related to that person’s occupation. It
is often composed of the jobs held, titles earned and work accomplished over a
long period of time, rather than just referring to ones position.
Collective Bargaining These are predominately
non-political means of resolving all forms of industrial conflicts or crisis
within appropriately regulated operational frameworks; that which should be
beyond mere substantive agreements, but it should boil down to price and power
issues.
Civil
Society The aggregate of non-governmental Organizations and
institutions that manifest interests and will of citizens; individuals and Organizations
in a society which is independent of the government
Deregulation This implies
the absence of control or regulation of the prices of petroleum products of
government leaving the determination of prices to the interaction of forces of
demand and supply which also rule out subsidy and encourage competition,
efficiency and increase output in the petroleum industries.
Development Focuses on building the knowledge and
skills of organizational members so that they will be prepared to take on new
responsibilities and challenges. (Jones, George and Hill, 2000)
Globalization/Internationalization
of labour: The
intensification of worldwide labour relations, practices and standards in
distant localities in such a way that they shape local labour practices and
events occurring many miles away and vice versa.
Goal displacement This is the substituting by an
organization of the goal(s) which it was established to serve for other goals.
Government Policies These
refer to the decisions by the government these which could be Fiscal; relating
to taxation and government spending or expenditure while the other is Monetary
relating to the regulation of the money supply and interest rates by the
government in order to control inflation and stabilize the currency through the
Central Bank.
Industrial Relations Usually refer to the relationships between
labour and capital that grows out of employment.
Labour The people who work or are available for work in a
country or company; such which could be skilled and unskilled labour
Politics The
activities involved in getting and using power in public life and being able to
influence decisions that affect a country or society.
Politician A person whose job is concerned with politics, especially as an elected
member of the executive, legislative arm of government. It also refers to a
person who is good at using different situations in an organization to try to
get power or advantage for him or herself.
Political Parties These are organizations
designed to gain control of the government by putting its members into public
office(s).
Staff Development
Involves the training,
education and career development of staff members (Adamolekun, 1983).
State Corporatism An industrial relations system
in which the labour movement is made a vehicle for implementing government
policies. The trade union under such circumstances tends to lose its
fundamental independence of action which is vital for healthy industrial relations.
Trade Unions A continuous association
of wage earners or salaried employees for maintaining the conditions of their
working lives and ensuring for them a better and healthier status in the
industry as well as the society.
Training Primarily focuses on teaching
organizational members how to perform their current jobs and helping them acquire
the knowledge and skills they need to be effective performers
(Jones, George and Hill, 2000).
Welfare Practical or financial help that is provided often
by the government for people that need it.
Workers According
to the Nigerian 1971 Labour Act, a worker or an employee is described under
this Act as a person who enters into a contract of employment with an employer;
whether such a contract is a contract of service or a contract to personally
execute any work or labour.
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